ここで蓄積された大衆的運動体験は、戦争期をへだてて、１９４５年解放直後の運動に継承されていくThe mass movement experience accumulated here was passed on to the movement that took place immediately after liberation in 1945, across the war period. 解放直後にユニークな役割を担った人々に南北を通じて新幹会出身者が多いのは偶然ではあるまいIt is probably no coincidence that many of the people who played unique roles immediately after liberation, both in the North and South, were from the Shinkansen Society. この時期に、国内民衆運動は、「民族改造論」をのりこえて、新幹会的思想を選び取るところまで前進していたのであるDuring this period, the domestic people's movement had progressed to the point of going beyond the "ethnic reform theory" and adopting Singanhoe ideology. なお、新幹会と同質の婦人団体として「槿友会」があったIn addition, there was a women's group of the same nature as the Singanhoe called the Geunuhoe.

＊Españolスペイン語→Geunuhoe (coreano: 근우회; Hanja: 槿友會Кынухве; Sociedad de los Amigos de la Rosa de Sharon) fue una organización de mujeres coreanas fundada en junio de 1927 para promover el estatus de la mujer y la lucha por la independencia nacional en Corea.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=clVfc9oEtUY

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4oh88hEJ8vM＊Françaisフランス語→Le terme « partisans antijaponais抗日パルチザン»파르티잔Партизан fait référence à la lutte des forces irrégulières, principalement affiliées au Parti communiste, dans les zones anciennement sous contrôle japonais (colonies, semi-colonies, territoires occupés, etc.), aux activités partisanes et au mouvement d'indépendance coréen dans le nord-est de la Chine.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nkuhxbD1kLY
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　 ２－国内農民運動と抗日パルチザン
　大衆運動の昂揚
　１９２８年夏の六回大会に際し、コミンテルンは、弾圧と分派闘争のためその朝鮮支部としての役割を果たす機関が消滅したとして、亡命先からきた朝鮮人に、オブザーバーとしての参加資格しか与えなかったAt the Sixth Congress in the summer of 1928, Comintern only allowed Koreans in exile to attend as observers, because the institution that served as its Korean branch had ceased to exist due to repression and factional struggles. 続いて、同年末コミンテルン側で作成したいわゆる「１２月テーゼ」では、朝鮮のマルクス・レーニン主義者に対し、労農大衆運動を通じて将来の党再建にそなえるべきことを指摘したSubsequently, in the so-called "December Theses" prepared by Comintern at the end of the same year, it was pointed out to Korean Marxists-Leninists that they should prepare for the future reconstruction of the party through the workers' and peasants' mass movement. このことが「コミンテルンが朝鮮共産党に解散を命じた」と伝えられたことは、国内の誠実な社会主義者に衝撃を与えたThis shocked sincere socialists in the country when it was reported that "Comintern had ordered the Korean Communist Party to disband." 以後、朝鮮国内での党中央機関再建の試みだけで、４０年までに１０回近くあるのだが、コミンテルンから支部として公認されるにいたったものはなかったFrom then on, by 1940, there had been nearly 10 attempts to re-establish the party's central organs within Korea, but none of them had been officially recognized as branches by Comintern. また弾圧の相対的に弱い満州と日本には、朝鮮共産党の組織が健在だったが、それらに国内組織再建が指示されることはなかったIn addition, in Manchuria and Japan, where repression was relatively weak, the Korean Communist Party organizations were still thriving, but they were not instructed to rebuild their domestic organizations. そればかりか、満州では３０年、日本では３１年に、「一国一党」の原則により、従来の組織を解体して現在国の党に加入させられたFurthermore, in Manchuria in 1930 and in Japan in 1931, based on the principle of "one country, one party," the existing organizations were dissolved and were forced to join the current national party.

　したがって、朝鮮共産党の歴史は、形のうえでは２５～２８年の四年間の短命さに終わったThus, in formal terms, the history of the Korean Communist Party was short-lived, lasting only four years from 1925 to 1928. 四年間に四回もの数百人規模の大弾圧にみられるFour major crackdowns involving hundreds of people in four years、弾圧の異常な強さは、たしかに困難な条件でありthe extraordinary intensity of the repression is certainly a difficult condition、分派闘争が存在したことも事実だがit is true that factional fighting did occur、党組織こそ貧弱だったものの、マルクス・レーニン主義思想の普及範囲はそうとう広くalthough the party organization was weak, the reach of Marxism-Leninism was quite wide、また前述のような堅実な民衆運動が成長していたのに、コミンテルンのこの朝鮮革命に対する冷淡さは奇妙に思えるit also seems odd that Comintern was indifferent to the Korean revolution, given the growth of a robust popular movement as described above. 朝鮮の運動とコミンテルンの間はなぜか終始ぎくしゃくしたものであったFor some reason, relations between the Korean movement and Comintern remained strained throughout the period. その原因はともかく、誠実な国内社会主義者は、ほぞをかみながら、しかし１２月テーゼに忠実に、ほんとうに民衆の労働の現場や農村に入っていったWhatever the cause, sincere domestic socialists, although gnawing at their fate, but faithful to the December Theses, really went into the workplaces of the people and into rural areas. 農村啓蒙運動の伝統をひきついで、一郡に数十個所もの施設講習所や農民夜学・労働夜学が生まれたContinuing the tradition of the rural enlightenment movement, dozens of facility training centers, farmers' night schools, and labor night schools were established in each district. 党消滅後に運動の厚みはむしろ増していったといえるIt can be said that the movement has only grown in strength since the party was dissolved.

　時あたかも、大恐慌の影響が、日本帝国主義のしわよせ策のために倍加されて朝鮮民衆をおそったAt the same time, the effects of the Great Depression, exacerbated by Japanese imperialism's tax-deductible policies, hit the Korean people hard. 独占資本は、まず在朝鮮の工場から生産調整を実施し、日本の「失業問題緩和」のため在日朝鮮人労働者を強制送還さえしたMonopoly capital first implemented production adjustments in factories in Korea, and even forcibly repatriated Korean workers to Japan in order to "alleviate the unemployment problem" in Japan. 産米増殖計画は停止され、米価は惨落し、小農は借金のかたに土地を奪われたPlans to increase rice production were halted, rice prices plummeted, and small farmers had their land taken away as payment for their debts. そして、日本帝国主義はやがて、恐慌からの活路を中国への軍事侵略の拡大に求めJapanese imperialism then sought a way out of the depression by expanding its military aggression into China、朝鮮を「兵站基地」として急速に軍需工業化しつつ、「만주사변満州事変Мукденский инцидент」をひきおこしていくthey used Korea as a "logistics base" and rapidly developed a military industrial base, which led to the "Manchurian Incident."https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yaP9FvzeHAA この軍需工業化は、もちろん国家と独占資本（일질콘체른朝鮮窒素をもつ野口財閥のような新興財閥もふくむ）の完全掌握下にあり、ゆがんだ工業化であったThis military industrialization was, of course, under the complete control of the state and monopoly capital (including emerging zaibatsu such as the Noguchi zaibatsu, which owned Chosen Nitrogen), and it was a distorted form of industrialization. しかし一面では、多くの労働力を農村から動員することにより、朝鮮の社会構造を変動させ、労働者階級の規模を急速に拡大させていったOn the other hand, by mobilizing a large amount of labor from rural areas, it transformed Korea's social structure and rapidly expanded the size of the working class.
　このような客観条件のもとで、新幹会の中で自己をきたえた朝鮮民衆は、ストレートに反帝国主義を目標としUnder such objective conditions, the Korean people, who had trained themselves within the Singanhoe, aimed directly at anti-imperialist causes、社会主義の思想に支えられた尖鋭な大衆運動を展開し、解放前の民衆運動の質的なピークをつくり出したthey developed a sharp mass movement supported by socialist ideology, and created a qualitative peak in the people's movement before liberation.

　労働運動の領域では、１９２８年末から２９年にかけての元山労働組合連合指導下の「元山ゼネスト」が昂揚の口火を切ったIn the field of the labor movement, the "Wonsan General Strike" led by the Wonsan Labor Union Federation from the end of 1928 through 1929 marked the beginning of the upsurge. これは、ライジング・サン石油会社文坪油槽所のストに始まり、官憲の弾圧のもとで、元山地域の全産業労働者が支援のゼネストを三ヶ月も続けたThis began with a strike at the Munpyeong Oil Depot of the Rising Sun Oil Company, and continued for three months in a general strike supported by all industrial workers in the Wonsan area, despite government oppression. 個別企業をこえて、地域ぐるみの闘争にならざるをえないのが、植民地下朝鮮の労働運動の特質であり、またそれを貫徹しうる共同意識が生まれていたのであるA distinctive feature of the labor movement in colonial Korea was that it had to go beyond individual companies and become a region-wide struggle, and a sense of community that could carry this through was born.

＊원산 총파업(元山 總罷業)은 1929년 1월 13일부터 4월 6일까지 원산시에서 있었던 총파업이다. 영국계 기업 문평 라이징선 제유회사의 일본인 감독의 폭력이 발단이 되어 원산 지역 노동자 대부분이 참여하는 대규모 파업으로 발전하였다. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L9k5e5UlO3k
　列車通学中に、日本人学生が朝鮮人女学生を侮辱した差別事件に端を発して、光州市中の朝鮮人学生が地域植民者社会総体と実力対決した１９２９年末～３０年の光州学生運動はThe Gwangju Student Movement from late 1929 to 1930 began with a discriminatory incident in which a Japanese student insulted a Korean female student while commuting to school by train. This led to a violent confrontation between Korean students in Gwangju and the local colonial society as a whole、全朝鮮の学生運動を触発し、支援ストに全朝鮮の１９４校、五万余名が参加したIt inspired student movements across Korea, and over 50,000 students from 194 schools across Korea took part in the support strike.

＊Русскийロシア語→Студенческое движение за независимость Кванджу (корейский: 광주 학생 독립 운동; ханджа: 光州學生獨立運動)Le Mouvement étudiant pour l'indépendance de Gwangju, или Студенческое движение Кванджу, было протестом в Кванджу в период с октября по ноябрь 1929 года против японской оккупации Кореи.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XIstMkxui44
　１９３０年には、釜山紡績工場スト・新興炭坑スト・平壌ゴム工場ストなど、生活ぐるみの共同性を維持しつつ、暴動形態をともなく激烈なストライキが続発したIn 1930, there were a series of violent strikes, including the Busan Spinning Factory strike, the Emerging Coal Mine strike, and the Pyongyang Rubber Factory strike, which maintained the communal nature of everyday life but did not turn into riots. 農民運動の領域でも、同年７月端川農民蜂起が起ったIn the realm of the peasant movement, the Tanchon Peasant Uprising occurred in July of the same year. この闘争は、農民にとって死活の問題である山林利用への総督府の規制強化が発端であったがThis struggle began when the Governor-General's government tightened regulations on forest use, which was a matter of life and death for farmers、端川農民同盟指導下に、大衆的蜂起によって一時的ながら何多面事務所等を占拠して、解放区状態が現出したunder the leadership of the Tanchon Peasants' Alliance, a mass uprising temporarily occupied Kankyōnan offices and created a liberated zone. さらに郡庁を包囲したところで、増強された警官隊が実弾射撃の暴挙に出て、１６名の死者と多数の検挙者を出したが、一郡全体の農民の結束の強さは目を見はらせるものがあったFurthermore, when the district office was surrounded, the increased police force resorted to violent action, using live ammunition, resulting in 16 deaths and many arrests, but the strong unity of the farmers throughout the district was remarkable.

　３０年以降続発した激烈な闘争は、コミンテルンが、満州を中心とする東アジア地域を矛盾の焦点とみてThe fierce struggles that broke out in succession from 1930 onwards were the result of Comintern viewing East Asia, with Manchuria at its centre, as the focal point of contradictions、ソ連防衛のためにもこの地域での最大限の闘争をと訴えつつ提起した、いわゆる赤色労働組合（赤労）分離方針の影響も受けていると思われるThis was also thought to have been influenced by the policy of separating the Red Trade Unions (RTU), which was put forward while calling for maximum struggle in the region in order to defend the Soviet Union. だが、都市での「赤労」運動は稠密な治安網のために、しだいに封じこめられてしまったHowever, the Red Labor movement in the cities was gradually contained due to the dense security network. これに反し、いわば赤労方針の創造的応用ともいうべき赤色農民組織運動は、２０年代の小作争議のように経済闘争に限定せずIn contrast, the Red Peasant Organization movement, which could be said to be a creative application of the Red Labor Union's policy, was not limited to economic struggles like the tenant farmer disputes of the 1920s、反帝闘争を直後に担う強固な大衆運動として、満州事変以後も、３０年代後半まで大きく発展していったas a strong mass movement that immediately took on the anti-imperialist struggle, it continued to develop significantly even after the Manchurian Incident and into the late 1930s. とくに、咸鏡道一帯の諸郡の農民組合は、数百名規模の大検挙を何回も受けても、そのつど再建されるほど強固な基盤をもち、いわば生活体系の総体を奪還する共同体に育っていたIn particular, the peasant unions in the various districts around Hamgyong Province had such a strong foundation that they were able to rebuild each time even after they had been subjected to multiple mass arrests involving several hundred people, and they had grown into communities that, so to speak, were able to recapture the entire system of life. そこでは社会主義文献の学習はもちろん、콜호스コルホーズКолхозにならった初歩的な共同耕作が試ろみられたりもしていたThere, not only were socialist literature studied, but rudimentary communal farming modeled on the kolkhoz was also attempted. また、地域内に住む地主からも組合費を税金のように徴収しており、官憲は、白昼でも、単独では村落に入っていけない状況であったIn addition, union dues were collected like taxes from landowners living in the area, and authorities were not allowed to enter villages alone, even in broad daylight. ３７年頃まで強い闘争を維持した명천군明川郡では、組織破壊を免がれるため、幹部をかくまう地下の秘密アジトをもち、初歩的な軍事訓練まで行なわれていたというIn Myongchon County, where the group maintained a strong militancy until around 1937, in order to avoid being destroyed, they had a secret underground hideout to hide their leaders and even conducted rudimentary military training. 官憲が軍事力の集中動員を自由自在に行なえる完全植民地下においてUnder a completely colonial system in which the authorities could freely mobilize military forces、初期の端川の経験にかんがみ、多くの犠牲をともなう公然たる蜂起こそさしひかえられていたが、そこには二重権力といえる状況があったgiven the early experience of Tancheon, open uprisings involving many casualties were avoided, but there was a situation that could be described as a dual power structure. 表面的には日帝官憲の統治がゆきとどいているようにみえる中でOn the surface, the rule of the Japanese imperial authorities appears to be widespread、「見えざる解放区」を創り出すところまで到達していた朝鮮農民の意識は、同時期に解放区政権等を創り出した中国農民のそれとほとんど同じだったといえようit can be said that the consciousness of the Korean peasants, who had reached the point of creating "invisible liberated zones," was almost the same as that of the Chinese peasants who created the liberated zone governments and the like during the same period. 闘争形態の表面的な差異は、客観条件の差異によるものであったThe apparent differences in the forms of struggle were due to differences in objective conditions.

①조국광복회(The Fatherland Restoration Association祖國光復會Ассоциация восстановления Отечества)는 1936년 6월에 형성된 무장 투쟁 계열의 항일인민전선조직이다. 원래 명칭은 재만한인조국광복회(在滿韓人祖國光復會)이다.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2wpl3WcukVU

②https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EW9CXyxWz-wБеларускаяベラルーシ語→Кім Ір Сен (кар.: 김일성金日成 — Кім Ільсон, народжаны Кім Сон Джу; 15 красавіка 1912, Мангёндэ, Карэя, Японія — 8 ліпеня 1994, Пхеньян, Паўночная Карэя) Kim Il Sung— паўночнакарэйскі камуністычны і дзяржаўны дзеяч.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OQqh4hMGq80
　抗日パルチザンと祖国光復会
　在満朝鮮人社会主義者による抗日パルチザン闘争は、「満州事変」・「만주국満州国Маньчжоу-Го」成立直後の１９３２年春、それへの抗争として開始されたThe anti-Japanese partisan struggle by Korean socialists in Manchuria began in the spring of 1932, immediately after the Manchurian Incident and the establishment of Manchukuo, as a counter-protest against it. そして、以後３０年代末まで、客観的にみて、日本帝国主義の朝鮮統治をおびやかす最も主要な力量に成長していったFrom then until the end of the 1930s, objectively speaking, it grew into the most important force threatening Japanese imperialism's rule over Korea. このことを理解するために、朝鮮民族解放闘争にとって、満州とくに朝鮮と境を接する間島地方のもつ特異な意義を知る必要があるIn order to understand this, it is necessary to understand the unique significance of Manchuria, and especially the Jiandao region which borders Korea, for the Korean national liberation struggle. もちろん、解放闘争の本来の主力は国内民衆であり、実際そこに前述のような強い解放闘争への意欲が生まれていたのだがOf course, the main force in the liberation struggle was the domestic people, and it was among them that the strong desire to fight for liberation was born、徹底した弾圧体制のためにそのストレートな展開を抑えこまれていたThe thorough repressive regime suppressed any straightforward development. その点、国境の外ではより自由な活動が可能だったが、中国本土等他地域での運動は、純然たる亡命者の孤立した運動たらざるをえなかったIn this respect, while freedom of activity was possible outside Chinese borders, movements in other regions, such as mainland China, were forced to remain purely isolated movements of exiles. これに対し、満州には、故郷を追われて移住した１００万にのぼる朝鮮人農民という大衆的基盤があり、しかも国内とも連絡をとりやすい位置にあったIn contrast, Manchuria had a mass base of 1 million Korean farmers who had been driven from their homes and relocated there, and it was also located in a place that allowed easy communication with the rest of the country. だから必然的に義兵闘争以来一貫して、満州とくに間島地方が対日実力抗争の主要な舞台となってきたのであるTherefore, it was inevitable that Manchuria, especially the Jiandao region, had consistently become the main stage for the physical struggle against Japan ever since the Righteous Army Uprising.「抗日パルチザン闘争」は、日本の手がついに直接満州にもおよんだ状況のもとで、強い抗日意識をもつ在満朝鮮人農民を基盤としThe "anti-Japanese partisan struggle" was based on Korean farmers in Manchuria who had a strong anti-Japanese sentiment, in a situation where the Japanese hand had finally reached directly into Manchuria、義兵以来の武装闘争の経験を継承してこれを社会主義反帝闘争の理論的展望と結合し、かつ国内民衆の民族意識の昂揚を反映して闘われたthe movement inherited the experience of armed struggle since the Righteous Army and combined this with the theoretical perspective of the socialist anti-imperialist struggle, and also fought in a way that reflected the rising national consciousness of the people of the country. これを国内民衆の闘争と分離してとらえるべきではないThis should not be seen as separate from the struggle of the domestic people. なお、同時期に旧独立軍系部隊の主力は中国本土へ転進していくが、少数は国境地帯に依拠しAt the same time, the main forces of the former independent army were transferred to mainland China, but a small number remained in the border areas、양세봉梁瑞鳳部隊のように、後に抗日パルチザンと連携したものもあったsome, like the Yang Se-bong Unit, later cooperated with anti-Japanese partisans.