第三章　日本国家の戦争責任はどのような点にあるかChapter 3: What is the Japanese state's responsibility for the war?

　まず権力の主体としての日本国家の戦争責任を検討することから始めるがFirst, I will start by examining the war responsibility of the Japanese state as a power、国家権力の責任は、国家機関、具体的にはその機関の地位にある自然人（個人と個人の組織）が、それぞれ法令により与えられた権限を行使し、あるいはその権限を踰越・濫用することによって生ずるものであるからthe responsibility of state power arises when state organs, specifically natural persons (individuals and organizations of individuals) who hold positions in those organs, exercise the authority granted to them by law, or exceed or abuse that authority、１５年戦争期の日本国家の国家意志の決定とその実施とがどのような機関でどのような手続きによりなされていたか、制度とその運用の実態のあらましを一応紹介した上で、実際の国家権力行使による責任の検討にはいることにしたいI would like to begin by giving an overview of the system and its actual operation, including the institutions and procedures by which the national will of Japan was decided and implemented during the 15-year war period, before moving on to examine the responsibility that arises from the actual exercise of state power. 戦争中の国家運営のメカニズムをよく理解しておくことが、責任の所在を考えるためにぜひとも必要な前提となるからであるA thorough understanding of the mechanisms of national governance during wartime is an essential prerequisite for considering who is responsible.

＊Deutschドイツ語→Die Meiji-Verfassung  (jap. 明治憲法 Meiji-kempō), offiziell die Verfassung des Kaiserreichs Groß-Japan (大日本帝國憲法 Dai-Nippon teikoku kempō)제국 헌법(帝國憲法) Конституция Японской империиConstitution de l'empire du Japon, war die erste Verfassung des Japanischen Kaiserreichs. Sie wurde am 11. Februar 1889 verkündet und trat am 29. November 1890 in Kraft. Effektiv wurde die Verfassung durch die Kapitulation Japans im Zweiten Weltkrieg am 2. September 1945 suspendiert und durch das Inkrafttreten der Nachkriegs-Verfassung am 3. Mai 1947 abgeschafft.

　序節　日本帝国の権力組織Introduction: The Power Structure of the Japanese Empire

　大日本帝国憲法（以下、「帝国憲法」と略す）によれば、天皇は帝国の主権者、すなわち統治権の総攬者であってAccording to the Constitution of the Empire of Japan (hereafter referred to as the "Imperial Constitution"), the Emperor was the sovereign of the Empire, that is, the holder of all governing power、例えば法律の制定と国家毎年の歳出歳入の予算とは帝国議会の協賛を経なければならないとか、司法権は法律によって構成される裁判所におこなわさせねばならないとか、帝国憲法の定める制限を受けるがfor example, the enactment of laws and the annual national budget must be approved by the Imperial Diet, and judicial power must be exercised by a court constituted by law、緊急勅令・独立命令の制定、行政各部の官制の制定、文武官の任免、陸海軍の統帥、その編制および常備兵額の決定、宣戦・講和および条約の締結、戒厳の宣告などの広範な独裁大権をもっていたhe had broad dictatorial powers, including the enactment of emergency decrees and orders for independence, the establishment of official systems for each administrative department, the appointment and dismissal of civil and military officials, the command of the army and navy, the determination of their organization and the size of standing troops, the declaration of war, the conclusion of peace and treaties, and the declaration of martial law. 大体において、帝国議会と裁判所に与えられた権限を除く国務についての決定と施行とは天皇の大権に属していたと言ってよいIn general, it can be said that decisions and implementation of state affairs, except for the powers vested in the Imperial Diet and the courts, were within the sovereignty of the Emperor. ただし、天皇の国務に関する大権の行使は、国務大臣と輔弼によりおこなわれ、法律・勅令その他国務に関する詔勅は国務大臣の副署を擁するとされていて、国務大臣の輔弼をまたずに大権を行使し、その副署なしに法律・勅令を公布し国務に関する詔勅を発することができないという制限が加えられていたHowever, the Emperor's exercise of sovereign powers in relation to affairs of state was carried out by the Ministers of State and his advisors, and laws, imperial ordinances, and other imperial decrees relating to affairs of state were required to bear the countersignature of a Minister of State, meaning that sovereign powers could not be exercised without the advice of a Minister of State, and laws and imperial ordinances could not be promulgated or imperial decrees relating to affairs of state could not be issued without their countersignature. それは、天皇が神聖不可侵、すなわち法律上・政治上の責任を一切負わず、大権の行使はすべて国務大臣がその責任に任ずることになっていたので、そのためには天皇の大権行使につき国務大臣が輔弼の任を尽さなければならなかったからであるThis was because the Emperor was sacrosanct and inviolable, meaning that he bore no legal or political responsibility, and all exercise of sovereign powers was the responsibility of the Ministers of State, and for this reason the Ministers of State had to fulfill their role of advisory in the Emperor's exercise of sovereign powers.

　もっとも、国務大臣の輔弼については、帝国憲法の条文の規定と実際の運用とが必ずしも精密に符合せず、また憲法学説でも解釈が一様ではなかったHowever, with regard to the advice of the Ministers of State, the provisions of the Imperial Constitution and how they were actually implemented did not necessarily correspond precisely, and constitutional scholars also did not agree on their interpretation. 憲法の条文では「国務各大臣」が輔弼すると記されていたが、実際には国務大臣全員で組織する内閣が一体となって輔弼する慣行が終始一貫して変わらなかったThe Constitution stated that "Ministers of State" would provide advice, but in reality the practice of the Cabinet, made up of all the Ministers of State, providing advice together remained consistent throughout.

　国務大臣あるいは内閣のほかに、帝国憲法には天皇の最高顧問として枢密顧問の合議体である枢密院の設置が定められており、ここで重要な国務につき天皇の諮詢にこたえて審議することになっていたのでIn addition to the Ministers of State and the Cabinet, the Imperial Constitution stipulated the establishment of the Privy Council, a deliberative body of Privy Advisors who served as the Emperor's highest advisors. This body was responsible for deliberating important affairs of state in response to the Emperor's inquiries、ときには責任を負わない枢密院の院議が内閣や帝国議会の意志より強い力をもつこともあったas a result, the decisions of the Privy Council, which was not responsible, sometimes had more power than the will of the Cabinet or the Imperial Diet.

①Françaisフランス語→L'empereur Meiji (明治天皇메이지 천황, Meiji Tennō?Император Мэйдзи), ou prince Sachi no Miya, connu de son vivant en Occident par son nom personnel Mutsuhito (睦仁무쓰히토Муцухито), né à Kyoto le 3 novembre 1852, fut le 122e empereur du Japon du 3 février 1867 à sa mort le 30 juillet 1912.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ScPXLd2NH1M②Experienced leaders of the Meiji Restoration were singled out by the Emperor as genkun (元勲, lit. 'original hero'), and asked to act as Imperial advisors③Русскийロシア語→Гэнро (яп. 元老원로 (일본사)'original elder' гэнро:, примерный буквальный перевод: старейшина — государственный деятель) Genrō— название девяти японских государственных деятелей, которые служили в качестве неофициальных советников императора в эпохи Мэйдзи, Тайсё и Сёва. Гэнро считаются «отцами-основателями» современной Японии.

　帝国憲法その他法令に根拠はないが、明治維新以来の「元勲」とされる重臣が「元老」として公然と大権の行使に関与し、正規の国家機関よりも大きな力を発揮する場合が少なくなかったAlthough there was no basis for this in the Imperial Constitution or other laws, since the Meiji Restoration, senior officials who were considered to be "state leaders" openly exercised imperial prerogatives as "genro," and in many cases wielded greater power than regular state institutions. 帝国憲法では、国務大臣の任命を天皇の独裁大権の一つである文武官任大権に属さしめ、帝国議会の意志と無関係に内閣を組織できるように定めていたがThe Imperial Constitution stipulated that the appointment of ministers of state was subject to the Emperor's sovereign powers, which were one of his sovereign powers, and that the Cabinet could be formed independently of the will of the Imperial Diet、やがて内国総理大臣は元老の推薦によって任命する慣行が成立し、元老の推薦により組閣の大命を天皇から受けた人物が他の閣僚となるべき人物を選びeventually, the practice of appointing the Prime Minister on the recommendation of the Genro was established, and the person who received the imperial command from the Emperor to form a cabinet based on the recommendation of the Genro would select other cabinet members、天皇がこれを認めて内閣総理大臣以下の国務大臣を任命するのが常例となったand the Emperor would then approve and appoint the Prime Minister and other Ministers of State. １９２４（大正１３）年の第二次護憲運動の勝利したのち、衆議院で多数の議席を占める政党の首領に内閣を組織させる「憲政の常道」とよばれる習慣が成立したが、その場合でも衆議院の推薦によるのではなく元老が内閣総理大臣候補者を推薦したのであるAfter the victory of the second movement to protect the constitution in 1924 (Taisho 13), a custom was established known as the "normal course of constitutional government," in which the leader of the political party with the majority of seats in the House of Representatives formed the cabinet. However, even in this case, it was the genro who recommended the candidate for prime minister, rather than the House of Representatives recommending him. １９３２（昭和７）年に５－１５事件のテロで犬養毅内閣が総辞職したのちは、「憲政の常道」が崩れ、ふたたび元老の推薦により政党外の人物が内閣を組織することとなったAfter the Inukai Tsuyoshi cabinet resigned in the wake of the May 15 Incident in 1932 (Showa 7), the "normal course of constitutional government" collapsed, and cabinets were once again formed by people outside political parties recommended by the genro. さらに１９３７（昭和１２）年からは、元老に代わって内大臣が内閣総理大臣経験者などの「重臣」の意見を徴した上で内閣総理大臣候補者を天皇に推薦する新しい方式が採用され、敗戦まで続いているFurthermore, from 1937 (Showa 12), a new system was adopted in which the Minister of the Interior solicited the opinions of "senior officials" such as former prime ministers, and then recommended a prime ministerial candidate to the emperor, and this system continued until Japan was defeated in the war.

①Українськаウクライナ語→Інукай Цуйосі (яп. 犬養 毅이누카이 쓰요시; нар. 20 квітня 1855, Окаяма岡山県出身 — пом. 15 травня 1932, Токіо) — японський політик, член кабінету міністрів і прем'єр-міністр Японії з 13 грудня 1931 по 15 травня 1932https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yiGwSwralpM②Françaisフランス語→Le constitutionnalisme입헌주의(立憲主義, 영어: Constitutionalism, 문화어: 립헌주의)입헌정치(立憲政治) Конституционализм est une théorie du droit qui insiste sur le rôle et la fonction de la Constitution dans la hiérarchie des normes par rapport à la loi, ainsi que sur le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. On l'oppose parfois au légicentrisme, qui défend la suprématie de la loi, émanation de la souveraineté populaire. En droit international, le constitutionnalisme est une conception qui tend à s'opposer au pluralisme juridique.

　内大臣は本来宮中の官吏であって国の官吏ではなく、国務大臣ではないから、国務に関し天皇を輔弼する職務を有しないのであるがThe Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal was originally an Imperial Court official, not a national official, and not a Minister of State; therefore, he did not have the duty of advising the Emperor on matters of state、内大臣官制により天皇を「常侍輔弼」する職務が与えられていたために、あらゆる大権行使に影響を及ぼすに足りる意見や情報を天皇に伝えていたことが、最後の内大臣である木戸幸一の日記によってうかがわれるhowever, the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal system gave him the duty of "constantly advising" the Emperor, and as such, the diary of the last Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Kido Koichi, shows that he conveyed opinions and information to the Emperor that were sufficient to influence the exercise of all of his supreme powers.

＊Srpskohrvatski / српскохрватскиセルビア・クロアチア語→Kōichi Kido (木戸 幸一기도 고이치 Kido Kōichi（A級戦犯＝終身刑）, 18. jul 1889東京都出身 – 6. april 1977)Маркиз Коити Кидо bio je japanski političar, poznat kao 13. čuvar Tajnog pečata Japana, odnosno najbliži suradnik cara Hirohita od 1940. do 1945.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZXKVXX9ikgU

　立憲民主制の理想的なあり方は、国民の代表機関である議会に対し責任を負う国務大臣の輔弼によりすべての国務がおこなわれ、君主は実質的に国務につき大権をその個人的意志によって発動せず、国務大臣が全責任を負い得る仕組みとなっていることにあったはずであるがThe ideal constitutional democracy would have been one in which all state affairs were carried out with the assistance of ministers of state who were responsible to the Diet, the representative organ of the people, and the monarch would not actually exercise his sovereign powers over state affairs by personal will, but rather the Ministers of State would bear full responsibility、右のように、枢密院とか元老とか内大臣とか、議会と無関係の、したがって国民に対してまったく責任を負わないものがあって大権の行使に関与していたから、帝国憲法下の国政は立憲君主政治の理想からは程遠いものであったhowever, as mentioned above, the Privy Council, the Elders, the Lord Keeper of the Interior, and other entities unrelated to the Diet and therefore completely unaccountable to the people, were involved in the exercise of sovereign powers, and national politics under the Imperial Constitution was far from the ideal of constitutional monarchy. 帝国議会の一院でもある貴族院が、皇族・華族のような世襲的身分に基づく議員と勅任議員とにより構成され、国民の代表としての実質をそなえておらずThe House of Peers, which was one of the chambers of the Imperial Diet, was composed of members based on hereditary status such as members of the imperial family and nobility, as well as members appointed by Imperial appointees, and did not have the substance to represent the people、その貴族院が衆議院と対等の権限を有し、両院の院議の一致しないかぎり議会の協賛とはならないので、帝国議会が国民の意志を代表することにおいて大きな限界があったthe House of Peers had authority equal to that of the House of Representatives, and a parliament could not be formed unless the decisions of both houses were unanimous. As a result, there were significant limitations to the Imperial Diet's ability to represent the will of the people. 構成において非立憲的な帝国議会は、その権限においても立法府としての権限がいちじるしく狭く、前記緊急勅令・独立命令・官制、軍の編制などの重要な法令の決定権を与えられておらず、予算の協賛についてもいくたの例外が定められていて、立法府としての機能を十分に行使できなかったThe Imperial Diet, which was unconstitutional in structure, also had extremely narrow powers as a legislative body; it was not given the authority to decide on important legislation such as the emergency imperial decrees, independence decrees, government systems, and military organization, and there were also many exceptions to the appropriations of the budget, so it was unable to fully exercise its functions as a legislative body. 一時衆議院が内閣組織の母胎となったことがあるが、それも憲法の予定するところではなく、大正デモクラシーの政治的情勢のなかで慣習として成立したにすぎなかったので、ファシズムの進行するなかで、あっけなく解消してしまったAt one time the House of Representatives served as the basis for a cabinet organization, but this was not provided for in the Constitution; it was merely a custom that came about in the political climate of Taisho democracy, and it was quickly dissolved as fascism progressed.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DcuvpihOmrQ＊Русскийロシア語→«Демократия Тайсё» (яп. 大正デモクラシー다이쇼 데모크라, Taishō demokurashī, от англ. democracy) Taishō-DemokratieDémocratie Taishō— период в истории Японии в эпоху Империи, когда либеральные идеи изменили государство и общество, ранее правившая олигархия Мэйдзи утратила своё господство, а более широкие слои общества стали участвовать в политическом процессе. Он назван в честь периода Тайсё (1912–1926), правления императора Тайсё, хотя и не совсем совпадает с ним.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=voo0CpPcE0c&t=220s

　何よりもいちばん大きな問題は、国家機構のなかに占める陸海軍の大きな位置であるThe biggest problem of all was the prominent position that the army and navy occupied within the national apparatus. 天皇の独裁大権として帝国憲法に列挙されている事項のうちに、「天皇ハ陸海軍ヲ統帥ス」という第１１条と、「天皇ハ陸海軍ノ編制及常備兵器ヲ定ム」という第１２条があるAmong the items listed in the Imperial Constitution as the Emperor's dictatorial powers are Article 11, which states that "The Emperor shall have supreme command of the Army and Navy," and Article 12, which states that "The Emperor shall determine the organization of the Army and Navy, and the standing weapons." 前に述べたとおり天皇の国務大権の行使についてはすべて国務大臣の輔弼によらなければならないはずで、軍の統帥が国務大臣の輔弼事項に属しないとは、帝国憲法のどこにも書かれていないAs previously stated, the Emperor's exercise of his supreme prerogative in affairs of state was to be subject to the advice of the Ministers of State, and nowhere in the Imperial Constitution was it stated that command of the military was not within the scope of matters to which the Ministers of State could be advised. しかし、実際において、明治憲法制定以前から軍の統帥機関である参謀本部が内閣から独立していた既成事実に基づき、軍の統帥は国務大臣の輔弼によらないものとされていたHowever, in reality, even before the establishment of the Meiji Constitution, the General Staff, the military's command organ, was independent of the Cabinet, and as a result, the military's command was not expected to be controlled by the Ministers of State. これを「統帥権の独立」とよぶが、帝国憲法が統帥権の独立を認めていたかどうかは疑わしく、明治時代の憲法学界では軍の統帥も国務大臣の輔弼によるとの主張が有力であったし、軍も必ずしも「統帥権の独立」を強く主張してはいなかったThis is called "independence of command," but it is doubtful whether the Imperial Constitution recognized this independence, and in constitutional law studies of the Meiji period, there was a strong argument that the military's command was controlled by the Ministers of State, and the military itself did not necessarily strongly advocate "independence of command." 現に日清戦争（１８９４－９５年）のために設置された大本営には「文官部」が置かれ、文官である内閣総理大臣伊藤博文が参加して作戦についても意見を述べているIn fact, the Imperial Headquarters set up for the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) had a "Civilian Department" and Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi, a civilian, was present and gave his opinions on strategy. 

左Left①Deutschドイツ語→Kōshaku Yamagata Aritomo (jap. 山縣 有朋야마가타 아리토모（大日本帝国陸軍大将（陸軍参謀総長）内閣総理大臣などを歴任／陸軍の元勲）, modern 山県 有朋Ямагата Аритомо ; * 14. Juni 1838 (traditionell: Tempō 9/int. 4/22) in Hagi長州藩（山口県）出身; † 1. Februar 1922 in Odawara) war ein japanischer Militärführer und Politiker. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b2Tvoff4KXA右Right②Беларускаяベラルーシ語→Хірабумі Іта (伊藤 博文이토 히로부미, Itō Hirobumi, 16 кастрычніка 1841, горад Хагі, княства Цёсю長州藩（山口県）出身）, сёгунат Такугава-26 кастрычніка 1909)Ито Хиробуми — 1-ы, 5-ы, 7-ы, 10-ы прэм’ер-міністр Японіі. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3TupwmT8gXE

当時文官出身の元老と武官出身の元老とが、内閣と軍との上にあって両者を統合する政治的役割をはたしていたので、統帥権の独立をことさら主張する必要がなかったのであろうAt the time, genro with civilian backgrounds and genro with military backgrounds were above the cabinet and the military and played a political role in integrating the two, so there was probably no need to insist on the independence of supreme command. ところが、大正デモクラシー期になり、政党の勢力が強くなると、政党を背景としたあるいは政党の組織する内部と軍との対立が生じ、軍が統帥権の独立を強く主張するようになったHowever, in the Taisho democracy period, as political parties grew in power, conflicts arose between the military and those within political parties or organizations, and the military began to strongly assert their independence of command authority. たんに憲法第１１条の統帥権ばかりでなく、第１２条の軍の編制や常備兵器の決定についても、内閣と軍との協議によらねばならないと主張され、統帥権の範囲の拡大が進行したIt was argued that not only the command authority under Article 11 of the Constitution, but also decisions on military organization and standing weapons under Article 12 should be made through consultation between the Cabinet and the military, and the scope of command authority continued to expand. 元老の勢力が衰え、統帥権の独立が強化されると、陸海軍は内閣も議会もコントロールできない強大な政治的勢力となったAs the power of the Genro waned and the independence of the supreme command strengthened, the army and navy became powerful political forces that neither the cabinet nor the parliament could control.

＊Le commandement suprême統帥権통수권（Tousuiken）The supreme commandとは、大日本帝国憲法下の日本における軍隊を指揮監督する最高の権限（最高指揮権）のことをいうDeutschドイツ語→Mit „Oberkommando“ ist die höchste Autorität (Oberkommando) gemeint, die gemäß der Verfassung des japanischen Kaiserreichs das Militär in Japan befehligt und beaufsichtigt.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lmErWkD4RrM

　統帥権の独立に加えて、陸海軍大臣には各陸海軍武官をあてねばならないとする官制があり、１９３６年（昭和１１）年には、現役大・中将でなければならないこととなったのでIn addition to the independence of command, there was an official system that required that the Ministers of the Army and Navy be military attachés from the respective army and navy, and in 1936 (Showa 11) this was stipulated to be active-duty lieutenant generals or lieutenant generals、陸軍が陸軍大臣となるべき現役大・中将の推薦を拒否すると内閣が組織できず、軍は内閣の成立を阻止しまたは崩壊させる実権を握ることができたtherefore, if the Army refused to recommend an active-duty lieutenant general to become Minister of the Army, a cabinet could not be formed, and the military would have the real power to prevent the formation of a cabinet or to cause its collapse.

　陸海軍は国内最強の実力組織であるから、武力が発動されたときに、それが違法なものであっても、内閣によって抑えることができないBecause the Army and Navy were the strongest military organizations in the country, the Cabinet could not suppress the use of force, even if it was illegal. ５－１５事件（１９３２年）や２ー２６事件（１９３６年）で政府高官が現役の軍人によって殺害される犯罪が発生したことは、軍に対する強い恐怖心を政界に生み出させ、事件後に軍はそうした心理状況を利用して政府の政策に軍の要求を大幅にとりいれさせるための圧力を加えたThe May 15 Incident (1932) and the February 26 Incident (1936), crimes in which high-ranking government officials were murdered by active military personnel, created a strong fear of the military in political circles, and after the incidents the military exploited this psychological situation to apply pressure to the government to largely incorporate their demands into government policy.

　１５年戦争は、国家総力戦の時代であって、軍事的目的達成のためには、あらゆる国政の分野に軍の要求を貫徹させる必要があったThe Fifteen-Year War was a time of total national war, and in order to achieve military objectives, it was necessary to ensure that the military's demands were carried through to all areas of national politics.

＊Русскийロシア語→Тотальная война国家総力戦Guerre totale총력전(總力戰, 독일어: totaler krieg 토탈러 크리크[*], 영어: total war) 또는 전체전쟁(全體戰爭) — война, в которой все участвующие страны используют все доступные им ресурсы и методы, чтобы одолеть противника[2]. Такого рода войны происходили на Земле с незапамятных времён, однако к концу XIX века и позднее, с появлением женевских конвенций, касающихся ведения войны, они стали выделяться в отдельную категорию.

 統帥権の独立は総力戦にとってはむしろ障害となるはずであったが、軍は逆に統帥権を国政の全面に拡大浸透させることによって総力戦の遂行に役立てようとし、統帥権の範囲をどれほど拡大解釈しても到底統帥事項と認めることのできない一般国務の領域にまで統帥機関が関与することとなったAn independent supreme command would have been an obstacle to total war, but the military instead tried to use supreme command to help wage total war by expanding and permeating all aspects of national politics, and the supreme command organs ended up getting involved even in the area of ​​general state affairs, which could never be recognized as supreme command matters, no matter how broadly the scope of supreme command is interpreted. １９３７（昭和１２）年に大本営政府連絡会議が設けられ、１９４４年には最高戦争指導会議として再発足したが、内閣と統帥機関である参謀本部（陸軍）・軍令部（海軍）との協議の場にすぎないこの会議で、統帥権に属しないことの明白な事項をふくむ重要な国家・国家意志が実質上決定されることとなり、特に重大な案件については、その結論を天皇の出席する御前会議に付して正式に決定するのが慣行となったThe Imperial General Headquarters-Government Liaison Conference was established in 1937 (Showa 12), and was relaunched as the Supreme War Leadership Council in 1944, but this conference was merely a forum for consultation between the Cabinet and the supreme command organs, the General Staff (Army) and the Naval General Staff (Navy), where important decisions on the state and its will, including matters that clearly did not fall under the supreme command authority, were essentially made, and it became customary for particularly important matters to be submitted to an Imperial Conference attended by the Emperor for a formal decision. 

①Deutschドイツ語→Das Koordinierungskomitee zwischen Regierung und kaiserlichem Hauptquartier (japanisch: 大本営政府連絡会議Координационный комитет правительства и императорской ставки) war ein im November 1937 gegründetes Gremium für Konsultationen zwischen dem kaiserlichen Hauptquartier und der japanischen Regierung. Im November 1940 wurde es in „Koordinationsversammlung der Regierung und des kaiserlichen Hauptquartiers“ (japanisch: 大本営政府連絡懇談会) umbenannt, aber 1941, unter der dritten Konoe-Regierung, wurde es wieder zurückbenannt②Françaisフランス語→Le Conseil suprême pour la direction de la guerre (japonais : 最高戦争指導会議, Saikō Sensō Shidō Kaigi)Высший совет по руководству войной était un organe directeur créé au Japon en août 1944 par le gouvernement Toshio pour remplacer le Comité de liaison entre le gouvernement et le quartier général.

宣戦・講和は帝国憲法第１３条に定める広義の外交大権に属し、どのように考えても国務大臣の輔弼に専属する国務であるのに、開戦の決定も、終戦の決定も、参謀総長・軍令部総長が同意権・拒否権を行使する構成員として出席する御前会議でおこなわれたDeclaring war and making peace falls under the broad diplomatic prerogative defined in Article 13 of the Imperial Constitution, and no matter how you look at it, is a matter of state that falls exclusively under the advice of the Ministers of State, yet the decisions to go to war and to end the war were made at Imperial Conferences attended by the Chiefs of Staff and the Chiefs of the Naval General Staff as members exercising their powers of consent and veto.