（１）、１９２４年１月２８日　レーニンの死に対して（１）スターリンの演説
J. V. Stalin　Lenin　A Speech Delivered at a Memorial Meeting of the Kremlin Military School　January 28, 1924（１９２４年１月２８日、クレムリン軍事学校。スターリンによるレーニン追悼会合においての演説）
Comrades（同志たち）, I am told that you have arranged a Lenin memorial meeting here this evening（今晩、ここでレーニン追悼会合がきみたちにより用意（準備）されたと聞いた） and（加えて） that I have been invited as one of the speakers（私は講演（演説）者の１人として招かれた）. I do not think there is any need for me to deliver a set speech on Lenin’s activities（レーニンの諸活動について、準備された演説を申しわたす必要があるとは思わない）. It would be better, I think（その方がいいだろうと私は考える）, to confine myself to a few facts to bring out certain of Lenin’s characteristics as a man and a leader（レーニンの男として及び指導者としての諸性格に関する、幾つかの事実を提起するに自重する（私自身を制限する）. There may（もしかしたら）, perhaps（多分）, be no inherent connection between these facts（これらの諸事実の間に、本来的（生得的）な結合はない）, but that is not of vital importance（しかしそれは死活（不可欠）に重要ではない） as far as gaining a general idea of Lenin is concerned（レーニンが憂慮していた一般的な考えをより理解するにおいて）. At any rate（すべての歩合（見積もり）相場で）, I am unable on this occasion to do more than what I have just promised（この機会において、たった今私が約束した以上のことはできない）.
The Mountain Eagle（山鷲）
I first became acquainted with Lenin in 1903（私がはじめてレーニンと知り合ったのは１９０３年だった）. True（本当（真実））, it was not a personal acquaintance, but was by correspondence（個人的な交際（知人）ではなく。文通（通信）からだった）. But it made an indelible impression upon me（私に、いつまでも残る（永久に拭えない）印象を作り出した）, one which has never left me throughout all my work in the Party（党における私による全ての活動（仕事）を通じてなかったもの）. I was in exile in Siberia at the time（私はシベリアに流刑されていた）. My knowledge of Lenin’s revolutionary activities since the end of the nineties（レーニンの革命的活動についての知識は９０年代末）, and（及び） especially after 1901（とりわけ１９０１年以後）, after the appearance of Iskra（イスクラ（党機関紙）初号の登場後）,1 had convinced me（私を確信させた） that in Lenin we had a man of extraordinary calibre（レーニンの度量（特質）について）. At that time I did not regard him merely as a leader of the Party（その時期、私は彼を単なる党指導者だとは注視（評価）していなかった）, but as its actual founder（ながらも実際の創立者）, for he alone understood the inner essence and urgent needs of our Party（彼はひとりわれわれの党の、内側の本質及び緊急の（切迫した）必要を理解していた）. When I compared him with the other leaders of our Party（他の党指導者と彼を比べると）, it always seemed to me that he was head and shoulders above his colleagues（いつも私にとって、彼は同僚たちより頭と肩が上にあると思えた）—Plekhanov（プレハーノフ）, Martov（マルトフ）, Axelrod（アクセルロード） and （及び）the others（他）; that, compared with them（彼らと比較すると）, Lenin was not just one of the leaders（レーニンはただの指導者だけでなく）, but a leader of the highest rank（最高の地位にある指導者）, a mountain eagle（山鷲）, who knew no fear in the struggle（闘争において恐れを知らない）, and（さらに） who boldly led the Party forward along the unexplored paths of the Russian revolutionary movement（大胆に（勇気を持って）ロシア革命運動の未探検の道程に向って、党を導いた（率いた））. This impression took such a deep hold of me （この感動（印象）は深く私に刻まれた）that I felt impelled to write about it to a close friend of mine who was living as a political exile abroad（私をして、海外に政治亡命している親密な友たちへこのことを書くことに駆り立てた）, requesting him to give me his opinion（意見を享受するため）. Some time later（しばらく後）, when I was already in exile in Siberia（私はすでにシベリアへ追放されていた）—this was at the end of 1903（１９０３年に終わった）—I received an enthusiastic reply from my friend （私は友人からの情熱的な返答を受けとった）and a simple（単純だが）, but profoundly expressive letter from Lenin（レーニンから、深く表現された手紙）, to whom, it turned out, my friend had shown my letter（友人たちは私の手紙をみせた）. Lenin’s note was comparatively short（レーニンの要旨（草案）記録は比較的（いくぶん）短かった）, but it contained a bold and fearless criticism of the practical work of our Party（我々の党による実践的仕事について、勇敢及び恐れのない批判を含んでいた）, and（加えて） a remarkably clear（目立って（著ましく）明確） and （さらに）concise account of the entire plan of work of the Party in the immediate future（早急な未来への党による全ての仕事計画（図案）か関する簡潔な報告）. Only Lenin could write（レーニンだけが書ける） of the most intricate things so simply and clearly（最も込み入った（入り組んだ）事柄について単純及び明確に）, so concisely and boldly（大変簡潔そして勇敢に）, that every sentence did not so much speak as ring out like a rifle shot（すべての文章がライフルの銃声のごとく話していない）. This simple and bold letter still further strengthened me in my opinion（私の意見において。この単純及び勇敢な書簡（文字）がまた、さらに私を強くした） that Lenin was the mountain eagle of our Party（レーニンは我々の党の山鷲だった）. I cannot forgive myself for having（私は私自身が持つことを許せない）, from the habit of an old underground worker（私は地下労働者の習慣（気質）から）, consigned this letter of Lenin’s（このレーニンからの手紙をしまう（捨てる）, like many other letters（他たくさんの通信文のように）, to the flames（額の中へ）.　My acquaintance with Lenin dates from that time（レーニンと私の親交はその時点からさかのぼる）.
Modesty（控え目＝謙遜）
I first met Lenin in December 1905 at the Bolshevik conference in Tammerfors (Finland)（私は１９０５年１２月、フィンランドのタンペレで行われたボルシェヴキ会議ではじめてレーニンに会った）. I was hoping to see the mountain eagle of our Party（私は我々の党の山鷲を見れることを願い） the great man（偉大な人物）, great not only politically（政治的に偉大なだけではなく）, but（しかし）, if you will, physically（肉体的に）, because in my imagination （なぜなら私の想像において）I had pictured Lenin as a giant, stately and imposing（レーニンは壮大な（威厳のある）風采の巨人だった）. What（何）, then,（それから） was my disappointment （私の落胆）to see a most ordinary-looking man（もっとも普通の外見をもった男を見た）, below average height（平均より低い身長）, in no way（どのようにも）, literally in no way（文字通りどのようにも）, distinguishable from ordinary mortals（区別できない普通の致命的な？）. . . .It is accepted as the usual thing for a “great man” to come late to meetings（会合に遅れてきた’偉大な男’は、普通の人として受諾された） so that the assembly may await（だから集会は待つ）, his appearance with bated breath（息を切らして彼が現われる）; and（加えて） then（それから）, just before the “great man” enters（”偉大な男’が入場するほんの少し前に）, the warning whisper goes up（警告の囁きがかけめぐった→）: “Hush!（静かに（落ち着いて）！） . . . Silence!（静粛に！） . . . he’s coming（彼が来る）.” This ritual（この儀式） did not seem to me superfluous（は私にとって不必要（過分）には思えなかった）, because（なぜなら） it creates an impression（感動を創造し）, inspires respect（尊敬を奨励）. What（何）, then（それから）, was my disappointment （私の落胆は）to learn that Lenin had arrived at the conference before the delegates（レーニンが会合の代表たちの前に到着した）, had settled himself somewhere in a corner（隅に座った（落ち着いた））, and（さらに） was unassumingly carrying on a conversation（気取らず会話を持ち）, a most ordinary conversation with the most ordinary delegates at the conference（もっとも普通の会話をもっとも普通な代表たちと）. I will not conceal from you that at that time this seemed to me to be something of a violation of certain essential rules・・・


（２）、１９２４年１月３０日　レーニンの死に対して　スターリンの演説
J. V. Stalin　On The Death Of Lenin　A Speech Delivered at the Second All-union Congress of Soviets（第二回全労働組合ソビエト議会においての演説）
Comrades（同志たち）, we Communists are people of a special mould（われわれ共産主義者は特別な骨組み（枠）である）. We are made of a special stuff（われわれは特別な材料（素質）才能として作られた）. We are those who form the army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin（われわれは偉大なプロレタリア戦略者の軍、同志レーニンの軍を形成しているもの）. There is nothing higher than the honour of belonging to this army（この軍に付属している栄誉に勝るものはない）. There is nothing higher than the title of member of the Party whose founder and leader was Comrade Lenin（同志レーニンが創設者、及び指導者の党の構成員という称号（題名）より勝るものはない）. It is not given to everyone to be a member of such a party（党員の誰にでも授与されるものではない）. It is the sons of the working class（労働者階級の息子たち）, the sons of want and struggle（欠乏（困窮）と闘争の息子たち）, the sons of incredible privation and heroic effort（途方もない（驚くべき）欠乏（不足）と英雄的努力の息子たち） who before all should be members of such a party（以前から、みんなこのような党の党員たるべきだった人間たち）. That is why the Party of the Leninists（だからこそレーニン主義者の党は）, the Party of the Communists（共産主義者の党）, is also called the Party of the working class（は同様に、労働者階級の党と呼ばれる）.
DEPARTING FROM US（我々から離れる）, COMRADE LENIN ENJOINED US TO HOLD HIGH AND GUARD （同志レーニンは我々に高いさらに見張り（監視）を課した（命じた））THE PURITY OF THE GREAT TITLE OF MEMBER OF THE PARTY（偉大な党の構成員の純粋（清らか）さ）, WE VOW TO YOU（我々は誓う）, COMRADE LENIN（同志レーニン）, WE SHALL FULFIL YOUR BEHEST WITH HONOUR!（あなたの命令を名誉を持って実行する）
For twenty-five years Comrade Lenin tended our Party（２５年に渡り、同志レーニンはわれわれの党を率いた（世話した）） and（さらに） made it into the strongest and most highly steeled worker’ party in the world（世界でもっとも頑強で、高度に堅固な党を作り上げた）. The blows of tsarism and its henchmen（ツァ（帝政）及び取りまき（子分）たちによる攻撃）, the fury of the bourgeoisie and the landlords（ブルジョア（中産階級）と地主たちの猛威（狂暴性）憤激）, the armed attacks of Kolchak and Denikin（コルチャック及びデニキンによる軍事攻撃）, the armed intervention of Britain and France（英仏の介入（干渉））, the lies and slanders of the hundred-mouthed bourgeois press（口達者なブルジョア記者による嘘及び中傷（誹謗）悪口） — all these scorpions constantly chastised our Party for a quarter of a century. But our Party stood firm as a rock, repelling the countless blows of its enemies and leading the working class forward, to victory. In fierce battles our Party forged the unity and solidarity of its ranks. And by unity and solidarity it achieved victory over the enemies of the working class.
DEPARTING FROM US, COMRADE LENIN ENJOINED US TO GUARD THE UNITY OF OUR PARTY AS THE APPLE OF OUR EYE, WE VOW TO YOU, COMRADE LENIN, THAT THIS BEHEST, TOO, WE SHALL FULFIL WITH HONOUR!
Burdensome and intolerable has been the lot of the working class. Painful and grievous have been the sufferings of the labouring people. Slaves and slaveholders, serfs and serf-owners, peasants and landlords, workers and capitalists, oppressed and oppressors — so the world has been built from time immemorial, and so it remains to this day in the vast majority of countries. Scores and indeed hundreds of times in the course of the centuries the labouring people have striven to throw off the oppressors from their backs and to become the masters of their own destiny. But each time, defeated and disgraced, they have been forced to retreat, harbouring in their breasts resentment and humiliation, anger and despair, and lifting up their eyes to an inscrutable heaven where they hoped to find deliverance. The chains of slavery remained intact, or the old chains were replaced by new ones, equally burdensome and degrading. Ours is the only country where the oppressed and downtrodden labouring masses have succeeded in throwing off the rule of the landlords and capitalists and replacing it by the rule of the workers and peasants. You know, comrades, and the whole world now admits it, that this gigantic struggle was led by Comrade Lenin and his Party. The greatness of Lenin lies above all in this, that by creating the Republic of Soviets he gave a practical demonstration to the oppressed masses of the whole world that hope of deliverance is not lost, that the rule of the landlords and capitalists is short-lived, that the kingdom of labour can be created by the efforts of the labouring people themselves, and that the kingdom of labour must be created not in heaven, but on earth. He thus fired the hearts of the workers and peasants of the whole world with the hope of liberation. That explains why Lenin’s name has become the name most beloved of the labouring and exploited masses.
DEPARTING FROM US, COMRADE LENIN ENJOINED US TO GUARD AND STRENGTHEN THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT. WE VOW TO YOU, COMRADE LENIN, THAT WE SHALL SPARE NO EFFORT TO FULFIL THIS BEHEST, TOO, WITH HONOUR!


（３）、１９３７年１２月１１日→新ソ連憲法について　
Speech Delivered by Comrade J. Stalin at a Meeting of Voters of the 　Stalin Electoral Area, Moscow
Stalin: Comrades, to tell you the truth（同志たち、真実を話す）, I had no intention of making a speech（私は演説する意図はなかった）. But our respected Nikita Sergeyevich [Khrushchov][C] dragged me, so to speak, to this meeting（しかし、この会合に我らの尊敬する二キータ・セルゲイヴィッチ（フルシチョフ）が私をひっぱりだした）. "Make a good speech," he said（彼は”良い演説を”といった）. What shall I talk about（私は何をはなすべきか）, exactly what sort of speech?（厳密に、いかなる種類の演説か？） Everything that had to be said before the elections has already been said （すでに選挙の前に話すべきことはすべて語った）and（加えて） said again in the speeches of our leading comrades（再びこの演説において言った。われわれの指導的同志たち）, Kalinin（カリーニン）, Molotov（モロトフ）, Voroshilov（ヴォロシーロフ）, Kaganovich（カガノヴィッチ）, Yezhov（エジョフ（秘密警察長官）） and many other responsible comrades（そして数あるほかの責任ある同志たち）. What can be added to these speeches?（何がこれらの演説に加えられるか？）　What is needed（何が必要か）, they say, are explanations of certain questions connected with the election campaign（彼らがいうには、選挙運動と関連するいくつかの問題の説明）. What explanations（何の説明か）, on what questions?（何に対する質問か？） Everything that had to be explained has been explained （説明されるべきことはすべて説明された）and（そして） explained again（再び説明した） in the well- known appeals of the Bolshevik Party（よく知られたボルシェヴィキ党の要求）, the Young Communist League（共産主義青年同盟＝コムソモール）, the All-Union Central Trade Union Council（全中央通商組合委員会）, the OsoaviakhimD. and the Committee of Physical Culture（肉体文化委員会）. What can be added to these explanations?（何がこれらの説明に加えられるか？）　Of course, one could make a light sort of speech about everything and nothing. (Amusement.) Perhaps such a speech would amuse the audience. They say that there are some great hands at such speeches not only over there, in the capitalist countries, but here too, in the Soviet country. (Laughter and applause.) But, firstly, I am no great hand at such speeches. Secondly, is it worth while indulging in amusing things just now when all of us Bolsheviks are, as they say, "up to our necks" in work? I think not・・・


（４）、１９４１年７月３日→全ソ連人民に向って＝大祖国戦争開始演説
J. V. Stalin　Radio Broadcast　July 3, 1941　
COMRADES, citizens, brothers and sisters, men of our Army and Navy!　My words are addressed to you, dear friends!　The perfidious military attack by Hitlerite Germany on our Fatherland, begun on June 22, is continuing. In spite of the heroic resistance of the Red Army, and although the enemy’s finest divisions and finest air force units have already been smashed and have met their doom on the field of battle, the enemy continues to push forward, hurling fresh forces to the front. Hitler’s troops have succeeded in capturing Lithuania, a considerable part of Latvia, the western part of Byelorussia and part of Western Ukraine. The fascist aircraft are extending the range of their operations, bombing Murmansk, Orsha, Moghilev, Smolensk, Kiev, Odessa, Sevastopol. Grave danger overhangs our country.　How could it have happened that our glorious Red Army surrendered a number of our cities and districts to the fascist armies? Is it really true that the German-fascist troops are invincible, as the braggart fascist propagandists are ceaselessly blaring forth?　Of course not! History shows that there are no invincible armies and never have been. Napoleon’s army was considered invincible, but it was beaten successively by the armies of Russia, England and Germany. Kaiser Wilhelm’s German army in the period of the First Imperialist War was also considered invincible, but it was beaten several times by Russian and Anglo-French troops, and was finally smashed by the Anglo-French forces. The same must be said of Hitler’s German-fascist army of to-day. This army had not yet met with serious resistance on the continent of Europe. Only on our territory has it met with serious resistance. And if as a result of this resistance the finest divisions of Hitler’s German-fascist army have been defeated by our Red Army, this means that it too can be smashed and will be smashed, as were the armies of Napoleon and Wilhelm.　As to part of our territory having nevertheless been seized by the German-fascist troops, this is chiefly due to the fact that the war of fascist Germany against the U.S.S.R. began under conditions that were favourable for the German forces and unfavourable for the Soviet forces. The fact of the matter is that the troops of Germany, a country at war, were already fully mobilized, and the 170 divisions brought up to the Soviet frontiers and hurled by Germany against the U.S.S.R. were in a state of complete readiness, only awaiting the signal to move into action, whereas the Soviet troops had still to effect mobilization and move up to the frontiers. Of no little importance in this respect was the fact that fascist Germany suddenly and treacherously violated the non-aggression pact which she had concluded in 1939 with the U.S.S.R., regardless of the circumstance that she would be regarded as the aggressor by the whole world. Naturally, our peace-loving country, not wishing to take the initiative in breaking the pact, could not resort to perfidy.・・・


（５）、１９４５年５月９日→対独戦争勝利演説　J. V. Stalin　Victory Speech
A　Broadcast from Moscow at 20.00 hours (Moscow time) on May 9, 1945　May 9, 1945　
COMRADES! Men and women compatriots! The great day of victory over Germany has come. Fascist Germany, forced to her knees by the Red Army and the troops of our Allies, has acknowledged herself defeated and declared unconditional surrender. On May 7 the preliminary protocol on surrender was signed in the city of Rheims. On May 8 representatives of the German High Command, in the presence of representatives of the Supreme Command of the Allied troops and the Supreme Command of the Soviet Troops, signed in Berlin the final act of surrender, the execution of which began at 24.00 hours on May 8. Being aware of the wolfish habits of the German ringleaders, who regard treaties and agreements as empty scraps of paper, we have no reason to trust their words. However, this morning, in pursuance of the act of surrender, the German troops began to lay down their arms and surrender to our troops en masse. This is no longer an empty scrap of paper. This is actual surrender of Germany’s armed forces. True, one group of German troops in the area of Czechoslovakia is still evading surrender. But I trust that the Red Army will be able to bring it to its senses. 　Now we can state with full justification that the historic day of the final defeat of Germany, the day of the great victory of our people over German imperialism has come. 　The great sacrifices we made in the name of the freedom and independence of our Motherland, the incalculable privations and sufferings experienced by our people in the course of the war, the intense work in the rear and at the front, placed on the altar of the Motherland, have not been in vain, and have been crowned by complete victory over the enemy. The age-long struggle of the Slav peoples for their existence and their independence has ended in victory over the German invaders and German tyranny. Henceforth the great banner of the freedom of the peoples and peace among peoples will fly over Europe. Three years ago Hitler declared for all to hear that his aims included the dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the wresting from it of the Caucasus, the Ukraine, Byelorussia, the Baltic lands and other areas. He declared bluntly: “We will destroy Russia so that she will never be able to rise again.” This was three years ago. However, Hitler’s crazy ideas were not fated to come true—the progress of the war scattered them to the winds. In actual fact the direct opposite of the Hitlerites’ ravings has taken place. Germany is utterly defeated. The German troops are surrendering. The Soviet Union is celebrating Victory, although it does not intend either to dismember or to destroy Germany.・・・


（１）、１９１９年３月　レーニンの演説＝「中流農民たち」（ロシア語＋英字幕＋↓英訳）
SPEECHES ON GRAMOPHONE RECORDS　V. I. Lenin　5　The Middle Peasants
The most important question now confronting the Communist Party（現在共産党が面しているもっとも重要な問題））, the question on which most attention was concentrated at the last Party Congress（過去の党議会においてもっとも注目を集めた問い）, is that of the middle peasants（は中流農民たちについてである）.　Naturally, the first question usually asked is, what is a middle peasant?（予想されるよう（自然に）、第一に尋ねられるのは、中流農民とは何か？）　Naturally（思っていたよう（天然に）, Party comrades have often related （党の同志たちはたびたび関係する→）how they have been asked this question in the villages（村々において、彼らはどのようにこの質問を尋ねられてきたか）. The middle peasant（中流農民）, we say in reply（我々は返答で言う）, is a peasant（は農民） who does not exploit the labour of others（他の労働者を搾取しない）, who does not live on the labour of others（他人の働きで生活していない）, who does not take the fruits of other people's labour in any shape（いかなる場合でも、他人の労働によって潤っていない） or（もしくは） form（形態）, but works himself（自ら働く）, and（そして） lives by his own labour（自らの労働によって生活している人間たち）.　Under capitalism there were fewer peasants of this typo than there are now（資本主義下においては、現在よりこの種類の農民は現在より少なかった）, because the majority of the peasants were in the ranks of the impoverished（なぜなら大多数の農民は、極貧階級であったから）, and（加えて） only an insignificant minority（些細な（とるにたらない）少数だけ）, then（それから）, as now（現在のように）, were in the ranks of the kulaks, the exploiters, the rich peasants（クラーク（富農）、搾取者及び裕福な農民階級だった）.　The middle peasants have been increasing in number since the private ownership of land was abolished（土地の私有（個人所有）が廃止されて以来、中流農民の数は増加している）, and（そして） the Soviet government has firmly resolved at all costs to etablish relations of complete peace and harmony with them（ソ連政府は、彼等との完全な平和と一致関係構築のため、堅固に出費（努力）を惜しまない）. It goes without saying （いうまでもなく）that the middle peasant cannot immediately accept socialism（中流農民たちは即座には、社会主義を受諾できない）, because he clings firmly to what he is accustomed to, he is cautious about all innovations, subjects what he is offered to a factual, practical test and does not decide to change his way of life until he is convinced that the change is necessary.　It is precisely for this reason that we must know, remember and put into practice the rule that when Communist workers go into rural districts they must try to establish comradely relations with the middle peasants, it is their duty to establish these comradely relations with them; they must remember that working peasants who do not exploit the labour of others are the comrades of the urban workers and that we can and must establish with them a voluntary alliance inspired by sincerity and confidence. Every measure proposed by the communist government must be regarded merely as advice, as a suggestion to the middle peasants, as an invitation to them to accept the new order.・・・


（２）、１９１９年３月　レーニンの演説＝「ソビエト権力とは何か？」（ロシア語＋英字幕＋↓英訳）
SPEECHES ON GRAMOPHONE RECORDS　V. I. Lenin　6　What Is Soviet Power?
What is Soviet power? What is the essence of this new power, which people in most countries still will not, or cannot, understand? The nature of this power, which is attracting larger and larger numbers of workers in every country, is the following: in the past the country was, in one way or another, governed by the rich, or by the capitalists, but now, for the first time, the country is being governed by the classes, and moreover, by the masses of those classes, which capitalism formerly oppressed. Even in the most democratic and freest republics, as long as capital rules and the land remains private property, the government will always be in the hands of a small minority, nine-tenths of which consist of capitalists, or rich men.　In this country, in Russia, for the first time in the world history, the government of the country is so organised that only the workers and the working peasants, to the exclusion of the exploiters, constitute those mass organisations known as Soviets, and these Soviets wield all state power. That is why, in spite of the slander that the representatives of the bourgeoisie in all countries spread about Russia, the word "Soviet" has now become not only intelligible but popular all over the world, has become the favourite word of the workers, and of all working people. And that is why, notwithstanding all the persecution to which the adherents of communism in the different countries are subjected, Soviet power must necessarily, inevitably, and in the not distant future, triumph all over the world.　We know very well that there are still many defects in the organisation of Soviet power in this country. Soviet power is not a miracle-working talisman. It does not, overnight, heal all the evils of the past- illiteracy, lack of culture, the consequences of a barbarous war, the aftermath of predatory capitalism. But it does pave the way to socialism. ・・・


（１）、１９３２年１１月　トロツキーのデンマーク講演＝「１０月の擁護」（英語演説）
Leon Trotsky　In Defence Of October　A speech delivered in Copenhagen, Denmark in November 1932
The first time that I was in Copenhagen was at the International Socialist Congress and I took away with me the kindest recollections of your city. But that was over a quarter of a century ago. Since then, the water in the Ore-Sund and in the fjords has changed over and over again. And not the water alone. The war has broke the backbone of the old European continent. The rivers and seas of Europe have washed down not a little blood. Mankind and particularly European mankind has gone through severe trials, has become more sombre and more brutal. Every kind of conflict has become more bitter. The world has entered into the period of the great change. Its extreme expressions are war and revolution.　Before I pass on to the theme of my lecture, the Revolution, I consider it my duty to express my thanks to the organisers of this meeting, the organisation of social-democratic students. I do this as a political adversary. My lecture, it is true, pursues historic scientific and not political lines. I want to emphasise this right from the beginning. But it is impossible to speak of a revolution, out of which the Soviet Republic arose, without taking up a political position. As a lecturer I stand under the banner as I did when I participated in the events of the revolution.　Up to the war, the Bolshevik Party belonged to the Social-Democratic International. On August 4, 1914, the vote of the German social-democracy for the war credits put an end to this connection once and for all, and opened the period of uninterrupted and irreconcilable struggle of Bolshevism against social-democracy. Does this mean that the organisers of this assembly made a mistake in inviting me to lecture? On this point the audience will be able to judge only after my lecture. To justify my acceptance of the kind invitation to present a report on the Russian Revolution, permit me to point to the fact that during the thirty-five years of my political life the question of the Russian Revolution has been the practical and theoretical axis of my thought and of my actions. The four years of my stay in Turkey were principally devoted to historical elaboration of the problems of the Russian Revolution. Perhaps this fact gives me a certain right to hope that I will succeed in part at least in helping not only friends and sympathisers, but also opponents, better to understand many features of the Revolution which before had escaped their attention. 
 The Materialist Conception of History
Human society is an historically-originated collaboration in the struggle for existence and the assurance of the maintenance of the generations. The character of a society is determined by the character of its economy. The character of its economy is determined by its means of productive labour.　For every great epoch in the development of the productive forces there is a definite corresponding social regime. Every social regime until now has secured enormous advantages to the ruling class.　It is clear, therefore, that social regimes are not eternal. They arise historically, and then become fetters on further progress. “All that arises deserves to be destroyed.”　But no ruling class has ever voluntarily and peacefully abdicated. In questions of life and death, arguments based on reason have never replaced the arguments of force. This may be sad, but it is so. It is not we that have made this world. We can do nothing but take it as it is.
The meaning of revolution
Revolution means a change of the social order. It transfers the power from the hands of a class which has exhausted itself into those of another class, which is in the ascendant. Insurrection constitutes the sharpest and most critical moment in the struggle for power of two classes. The insurrection can lead to the real victory of the Revolution and to the establishment of a new order only when it is based on a progressive class, which is able to rally around it the overwhelming majority of the people.　As distinguished from the processes of nature, a revolution is made by human beings and through human beings. But in the course of revolution, too, men act under the influence of social conditions which are not freely chosen by them but are handed down from the past and imperatively point out the road which they must follow. For this reason, and only for this reason, a revolution follows certain laws・・・


（２）、１９３２年１１月　トロツキーのフランス語演説（ギリシャ語字幕）＝「ロシア革命」
Oeuvres - Novembre 1932　Léon Trotsky　La Révolution russe
Chers auditeurs,　Permettez-moi dès le début d'exprimer le regret sincère de ne pas avoir la possibilité de parler en langue danoise devant un auditoire de Copenhague. Ne nous demandons pas si les auditeurs ont quelque chose à y perdre. En ce qui concerne le conférencier, l'ignorance de la langue danoise lui dérobe toutefois la possibilité de suivre la vie scandinave et la littérature scandinave directement, de première main et dans l'original. Et cela est une grande perte !　La langue allemande à laquelle je suis contraint de recourir ici est puissante et riche. Mais ma "langue allemande" est assez limitée. Du reste, sur des questions compliquées on ne peut s'expliquer avec la liberté nécessaire que dans sa propre langue. Je dois par conséquent demander par avance l'indulgence de l'auditoire.　Je fus pour la première fois à Copenhague au Congrès socialiste international et j'emportais avec moi les meilleurs souvenirs de votre ville. Mais cela remonte à près d'un quart de siècle. Dans le Ore-Sund et dans les fiords, l'eau a depuis plusieurs fois changé. Mais pas l'eau seulement. La guerre a brisé la colonne vertébrale du vieux continent européen. Les fleuves et les mers de l'Europe ont charrié avec eux beaucoup de sang humain. L'humanité, en particulier sa partie européenne, est passée à travers de dures épreuves, elle est devenus plus sombre et plus rude. Toutes les formes de lutte sont devenues plus âpres. Le monde est entré dans une époque de grands changements. Ses extériorisations extrêmes sont la guerre et la révolution.　Avant de passer au thème de ma conférence --à la Révolution russe-- j'estime devoir exprimer mes remerciements aux organisateurs de la réunion, l'Association de Copenhague des étudiants sociaux-démocrates. Je le fais en tant qu'adversaire politique. Il est vrai que ma conférence poursuit des tâches scientifiques-historiques et non des tâches politiques. Je le souligne aussitôt dès le début. Mais il est impossible de parler d'une révolution d'où est sortie la République des Soviets sans occuper une position politique. En ma qualité de conférencier, mon drapeau reste le même que celui sous lequel j'ai participé aux événements révolutionnaires.　Jusqu'à la guerre, le parti bolchévik appartint à la social-démocratie internationale. Le 4 août 1914, le vote de la social-démocratie allemande en faveur des crédits de guerre a mis une fois pour toutes une fin à ce lien et a conduit à l'ère de la lutte incessante et intransigeante du bolchévisme contre la social-démocratie. Cela doit-il signifier que les organisateurs de cette réunion commirent une erreur en m'invitant comme conférencier ? Là-dessus, l'auditoire sera en état de juger seulement après ma conférence. Pour justifier mon acceptation de l'invitation aimable à faire un exposé sur la Révolution russe, je me permets de rappeler que pendant les 35 années de ma vie politique, le thème de la Révolution russe constitua l'axe pratique et théorique de mes préoccupations et de mes actions. Peut-être cela me donne-t-il un certain droit d'espérer que je réussirai à aider non seulement mes amis et sympathisants mais aussi des adversaires, du moins en partie, à mieux saisir maints traits de la Révolution qui jusqu'à aujourd'hui échappaient à leur attention. Toutefois, le but de ma conférence est d'aider à comprendre. Je ne me propose pas ici de propager la Révolution ni d'appeler à la Révolution, je veux l'expliquer (...).　La Révolution signifie un changement de régime social. Elle transmet le pouvoir des mains d'une classe qui s'est épuisée entre les mains d'une autre classe en ascension. L'insurrection constitue le moment le plus critique et le plus aigu dans la lutte des deux classes pour le pouvoir. Le soulèvement ne peut mener à la victoire réelle de la révolution et à l'érection d'un nouveau régime que dans le cas où il s'appuie sur une classe progressive qui est capable de rassembler autour d'elle la majorité écrasante du peuple.　A la différence des processus de la nature, la Révolution est réalisée par des hommes et à travers des hommes. Mais dans la Révolution aussi, les hommes agissent sous l'influence des conditions sociales qui ne sont pas librement choisies par eux, mais qui sont héritées du passée et qui leur montrent impérieusement la voie. C'est précisément à cause de cela, et rien qu'à cause de cela que la Révolution a ses propres lois.　Mais la conscience humaine ne reflète pas passivement les conditions objectives. Elle a l'habitude de réagir activement sur celles-ci. A certains moments, cette réaction acquiert un caractère de masse, tendu, passionné. Les barrières du droit et du pouvoir sont renversées. Précisément, l'intervention active des masses dans les événements constitue l'élément le plus essentiel de la révolution.　Mais même l'activité la plus fougueuse peut rester au niveau d'une démonstration, d'une rébellion, sans s'élever à la hauteur de la révolution. Le soulèvement des masses doit mener au renversement de la domination d'une classe et à l'établissement de la domination d'une autre. C'est alors seulement que nous avons une révolution achevée. Le soulèvement des masses n'est pas une entreprise isolée que l'on peut déclencher à son gré. Il représente un élément objectivement conditionné dans le développement de la société. Mais les conditions du soulèvement existent-elles, on ne doit pas attendre passivement, la bouche ouverte : dans les affaires humaines aussi ; il y a comme le dit Shakespeare, des flux et des reflux : "There is a tide in the affairs of men which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune".　Pour balayer le régime qui se survit, la classe progressive doit comprendre que son heure a sonné, et se poser pour tâche la conquête du pouvoir. Ici s'ouvre le champ de l'action révolutionnaire consciente où la prévoyance et le calcul s'unissent à la volonté et la hardiesse. Autrement dit : ici s'ouvre le champ d'action du parti.・・・