岸や笹川、児玉などがいかに無責任で強欲非道な人間だったか。

それはゲッベルスやヘス、ボルマンなどが許されて生きられたのと選ぶところはない（しかも「首相」にまでなる）。延命などありえなかったからこそゲッベルスやヒムラーなんかは自殺したんだ。

岸や賀屋（東条内閣岸は商工大臣・賀屋は大蔵（戦後財界で大成功）。児玉はしらんけんど（上海の右翼秘密警察署長）。笹川なんぞ昨日まで空襲で逃れる避難民たちに。「きさまら逃げるとはないごとか」ととうせんぼしたやつらの親玉右翼国粋大衆党・党首。それが党資金のカネをねこばば。弟の良三がすばやく戦後初の「慰安所」を開設（そこでも朝鮮女性はまだ使われていた）

そもそもナチスはわずか「１２年」。日本の歴史は紀元前だ。などと持ち出す人も少なくない。

ただ「１５年」侵略戦争で、ナチと同じくらい人を殺したことをいうだけで十分ではないか。

さらに「鉤十字」も「旗を高く掲げよ」と「日章旗」と「君が代」歴史の長さうんたらもある。

でもヒトラーとドイツ人に命を奪われた２千万のソ連人。６００万のユダヤ人。２００万のポーランド人、その他何百万。中国人を２千万殺し、アジア人の命を一千万も簒奪した象徴の「日章旗」（しかも「陛下」もおられて「旭日旗」かついだ「日本軍」まである）。

殺された人たちに「鉤十字」とヒトラー。「日章旗」とヒロヒト。どこかちがうところがあるのか。

ヒトラーはある意味もっと単純明快なところもなくはない。それほど貧しい家に生まれてもいない。すべて自分の無能と怠惰で中学校すら卒業できず。乞食絵描ききどりのルンパンを決めこんでた男。

だから重宝したのはあこがれの「軍人」「将官」だけ。「財界」や「官僚」は利害の一致。ともに信頼どころか疑いあってた。とかく「皇族」や「貴族」「上流階級」を毛嫌いし。廃帝ウィルフレム二世の面会希望にも応じなかった。

日本はどうだ。みんな私利私欲と自己満足。勝手と虚栄心。ほしいのは「オカネ」だけ。ちがうのか。

児玉はロッキード事件の汚職に連座してなかったか。笹川はいかなる立場から船舶協会の実権を握った。岸のふくめてみんなアメリカが方針をかえ、追放解除。その頃のどさくさにまぎれてこっそり自分のふところにいれてしっただけ（笹川は「運輸省」の混乱に割って入り。そこで「戸閉まり用心日の用心」「街をきれいに１日1善」（これは少年時代。子どもが大好きだったヒトラーがかさなったたぞ）。

「ノーベル賞」はどうやって手に入れた。哀れな零細賭け事屋たちからまきあげた「バクチ」のあがり。ばらまいて・・・せめててめえの懐からというより、ノーベル賞なんてのの無価値を証明する適例にならんのか。

しかも岸は死ぬまであの戦争は正しかった。言いはってるのを聞いて育ったのが今の安倍氏総理閣下だ。

どれだけの「国民」がヒトラーナチスはおころか「我が国」「日本国家」について知らない。だけじゃなく「興味がない」「関心がない」ですまして。「君が代」をうたい「日章旗」（こともあろうに「旭日旗」まで）を海外でふりまわしてるのはどういうことだ。

ユダヤにとってのヒトラー「鉤十字」、と日本の犠牲者たちへの天皇「日の丸」のどこが異なるか。

こういういうことをやっているから。ドイツとはすべてにおいて「雲」と「泥」。「天国」と「地獄」まさにそれとしかいえん。

よく考えてもらいたい。

これは「７０％」国民たちへの呼びかけに過ぎません。憤懣がみなぎり怒気がおおっているので軍隊調にやりました。

下は岸のまとめ（というより）。あまりに長すぎるので英仏。適当にまとめてみました。

ありがとうございます。

岸信介（1896年11月13日－1987年8月7日），日本政治家。第56、57屆內閣總理大臣。在太平洋戰爭開戰時擔任工商大臣，是战后远东国际军事法庭认定的二战甲级战犯嫌犯，但是未予起訴，後有“昭和妖怪”之稱。
舊姓佐藤，他的胞弟佐藤榮作、外孫安倍晉三亦擔任日本內閣總理大臣，號稱「一家三宰相」。安保鬥爭[编辑]
岸信介為了與美國修訂美日安保條約，曾激發日本革新派（左派，以在野日本社會黨為首）與保守派（右派，以執政自民黨）兩派的大鬥爭。安保鬥爭是日本戰後最大規模的社會運動，並導致其下台的原因。
1960年5月，岸信介領導的自民党在日本眾議院運用議會多數強行通過安保條約之批准。7月14日，岸信介参加自民党新任总裁池田勇人招待会時，被右翼团体“大化会”成员荒牧退助刺伤。7月15日，新修訂的安保條約自動生效。岸信介下台，結束三年半執政。
晚年[编辑]
辭去首相職務後，岸信介定居在靜岡縣御殿場市的宅邸，因其政商界人脈廣闊，在政界仍保持影響力。1967年為自己的女婿安倍晉太郎在第31屆日本眾議院議員總選舉的山口縣選區助選，使其順利當選。
1987年（昭和62年） 8月7日逝世，享年90歲。身後葬於家鄉山口縣田布施町以及靜岡縣駿東郡小山町的富士靈園。
Alternative title:  Satō Nobusuke
Kishi Nobusuke, original name Satō Nobusuke  (born Nov. 13, 1896, Yamaguchi Prefecture, Japan—died  Aug. 7, 1987, Tokyo) statesman whose term as prime minister of Japan (1957–60) was marked by a turbulent opposition campaign against a new U.S.–Japan security treaty agreed to by his government.
Born Satō Nobusuke, an older brother of future prime minister Satō Eisaku, he was adopted by a paternal uncle bearing the Kishi name. He graduated from the Tokyo Imperial law department (1920) and began a successful civil service career. In 1936 he became a vice minister of the Manchukuo government’s industrial department and helped to promote the industrialization of Japanese-occupied Manchuria and China. On his return to Japan (1940) he contributed to wartime economic organization as vice minister of commerce and industry. He resigned when frustrated in his attempts to impose government control of the zaibatsu (industrial combines) but returned to government in 1941 as commerce and industry minister in the Cabinet of Tōjō Hideki. In April 1942 he won a seat in the House of Representatives. Subsequently he served as Tōjō’s vice minister of munitions but increasingly opposed Tōjō’s policy of continuing the war at all costs; Kishi’s opposition contributed to the fall of the Tōjō Cabinet in 1944. Although imprisoned in 1945 by the Allied Occupation authorities, Kishi was released (1948) without trial.
After reestablishing himself as a businessman, Kishi resumed his political activities. He was elected to the House of Representatives in 1953 and then helped to organize the Japan Democratic Party, which he was instrumental in merging with other conservative factions to form the Liberal-Democratic Party in 1955. The following year he became foreign minister in the Cabinet of Ishibashi Tanzan. When Ishibashi fell ill, Kishi succeeded him as prime minister in February 1957.
As prime minister Kishi emphasized Japan’s special relationship with the United States and sought to ease tensions with the nations of Southeast and South Asia, visiting them in 1957 to promote reparations agreements and economic cooperation. In 1959 he traveled to western Europe and Latin America. Kishi had visited Washington, D.C., in 1957, and he returned in January 1960 to sign a revised U.S.–Japan security treaty intended to put the relationship between the two nations on an equal basis and to restore independent diplomacy for Japan. To implement this policy he initiated an official study of the controversial postwar constitution, which outlawed war, and he encouraged Japanese self-reliance in national defense.
Jusqu'à 1948, Kishi fut emprisonné en tant que suspect de crime de guerre de Classe A. Contrairement à Tōjō (et divers autres membres du cabinet), Kishi ne fut jamais jugé par le Tribunal de Tōkyō.
Pour l'historien John Dower, « Même les pacifistes japonais qui ont endossé les idéaux de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, et qui ont travaillé à documenter et à publiciser les atrocités du régime shōwa, ne peuvent justifier la décision américaine d'exonérer l'empereur (Hirohito) de sa responsabilité pour la guerre et ensuite, au sommet de la guerre froide, de libérer et peu après de se lier à des criminels de guerre d'extrême droite accusés comme le futur Premier ministre Nobusuke Kishi1. »
Bien que libéré, Kishi resta légalement interdit de participation dans les affaires publiques du fait de la purge des membres de l'ancien régime par les forces alliées d'occupation. Lorsque l'interdiction fut finalement levée en 1952, il décida de se relancer dans la politique, et rejoignit le nouveau Parti démocrate du Japon (PDJ) en 1954. En 1955, le PDJ et le Parti libéral fusionnèrent pour élire Ichirō Hatoyama à la tête du nouveau Parti libéral démocrate. Deux Premiers ministres plus tard, en 1957, Kishi fut élu pour la succession de Tanzan Ishibashi. Il fut réélu l'année suivante et resta Premier ministre jusqu'en 1960

Kishi used his conservative parliamentary majority to ratify the revised treaty while the opposition parties were boycotting the Diet session. This was viewed as high-handed and undemocratic and provoked large-scale public demonstrations against Kishi; the protests led to the cancellation of a scheduled visit to Japan by U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
In the aftermath, Kishi resigned, to be succeeded by Ikeda Hayato. Although the section of the constitution outlawing the “potential to make war” was not altered, Kishi initiated a policy of interpreting this clause liberally, allowing the Self-Defense forces more armaments. He remained an active member of the Liberal-Democratic Party.
In the first year of Kishi's term, Japan joined the United Nations Security Council, paid reparations to Indonesia, signed a new commercial treaty with Australia, and signed peace treaties with Czechoslovakia and Poland. In 1959, he visited Buenos Aires, Argentina. Kishi's next foreign policy initiative was much more difficult: reworking Japan's security relationship with the United States. With this in mind, Kishi wanted to revise Articles 1 and 9 of the 1947 American-imposed constitution to allow Japan to allow the Emperor to play a more active political role and for Japan to have the freedom to once again wage war.[76]
In November 1957, Kishi laid down his proposals for a revamped extension of the US-Japan Mutual Security Treaty. Anticipating public opposition, Kishi also brought before the Diet a harsh bill giving the police vastly new powers to crush demonstrations and to conduct searches of homes without warrants.[77][78] In response to the police bill, the Sōhyō union federation went on a general strike with the aim of killing the police bill.[79] The strike achieved its goal, and Kishi withdrew the police bill.[80] In February 1958, when the Indonesian president Sukarno visited Japan, the Tokyo police refused to provide security under the grounds that this was a private visit, not a state one.[81] At that point, Kishi asked for one of his close friends, the Yakuza gangster Kodama Yoshio to provide thugs from the underworld for Sukarno's protection.[82] During Sukarno's visit, Kishi negotiated a reparations agreement with Indonesia, where Japan agreed to provide compensation for war-time suffering.[83] Kishi's reasons for paying reparations to Indonesia had less to do with guilt over the Japanese occupation and more to do with the chances to engage in questionable contracts to reward his friends as Kishi insisted that Japan would only pay reparations in the form of goods, not money.[84] In April 1958, Kishi told the Indonesian Foreign Minister Soebandrio that he wanted Indonesia to ask to receive reparations in the form of ships built exclusively by the Kinoshita Trading Company-which happened to be run by Kinoshita Shigeru, a metal merchant and an old friend of Kishi's from their Manchurian days in the 1930s-even through the Kinoshita company had never built ships before, and there were many other well-established Japanese shipbuilders who could have provided ships at a lower price.[85] All of the reparations contracts to the nations of South-East Asia during Kishi's time as Prime Minister went to firms run by businessmen who were closely associated with him during his time in Manchuria in the 1930s.[86] Additionally, there were frequent claims that when came time to award reparations contracts that high-ranking Indonesian politicians had to receive kickbacks, and that ordinary Indonesians never received any benefits from the reparations.[87] During the same period, there were questions about the M-fund, a secret American fund intended to stabilize Japan economically.[88] The American Assistant Attorney General Norbert Schlei alleged that starting in 1957: "Beginning with Prime Minister Kishi, the Fund has been treated as a private preserve of the individuals into whose control it has fallen. Those individuals have felt able to appropriate huge sums from the Fund for their own personal and political purposes ... The litany of abuses begins with Kishi who, after obtaining control of the fund from (then Vice President Richard) Nixon, helped himself to a fortune of one trillion yen ... Kakuei Tanaka, who dominated the Fund for longer than any other individual, took from it personally some ten trillion yen ... Others who are said to have obtained personal fortunes from the Fund include Mrs. Eisaku Sato ... and Masaharu Gotoda, a Nakasone ally and former chief cabinet secretary."[89]
After closing the discussion and vote without the opposition group in the Diet of Japan, concerning his plans for a revised Security treaty in early 1960, demonstrators clashed with police in Nagatachō, at the steps of the National Diet Building. About 500 people were injured in the first month of demonstrations. Despite their magnitude, Kishi did not think much of the demonstrations, referring to them as "distasteful" and "insignificant." [90] Once the protests died down, Kishi went to Washington, and in January 1960 returned to Japan with a new and unpopular Treaty of Mutual Cooperation. On 19 January 1960 Kishi signed a new treaty with the U.S, which provided Japan with more power than the 1952 treaty, but was very unpopular with the Japanese public, who saw the treaty as allowing for Japan to once become involved in a war.[91] Demonstrations, strikes and clashes continued as the government pressed for ratification of the treaty. During this time, Kishi once again called the services of Kodama, who was asked to send his thugs out to beat up the demonstrations.[92]
When Kishi submitted the treaty to the Diet for ratification on 19 May 1960, such were the demonstrations against the treaty that 500 policemen had to assembled outside the Diet.[93] On June 10, White House Press Secretary James Hagerty arrived in preparation for a state visit of President Dwight Eisenhower. He was met at the airport by Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II. Knowing that leftist demonstrators lined the road from the airport they chose to travel by car rather than helicopter. They felt that if the demonstrators were going to resort to violence it would be better for both the US and Japanese governments to know rather than waiting to test their resolve at the arrival of the President. They also believed that if any violence ensued it would bias the Japanese populace against the demonstrators. As they approached the exit to the airport grounds a mob spearheaded by Zengakuren students closed in stoning the car, shattering windows, slashing tires, and trying to overturn them. Police reached them after 15 minutes and managed to clear a landing zone for a helicopter which transported them the rest of the way.[94] On 15 June 1960 a university student protesting against the treaty outside the Diet was killed by the police, which led to the largest demonstrations ever in Japanese history, both against police brutality and the treaty.[95] To his embarrassment, Kishi had to request the postponement of Eisenhower's state visit. The end of Eisenhower's term of office prevented it from being rescheduled.
The loss of face this entailed, along with his apparent inability to restrain the demonstrations resulted in factional disputes within the Liberal Democratic Party. On 15 July 1960 Kishi resigned and Hayato Ikeda became prime minister.
In 1965, Kishi gave a speech where he called for Japanese rearmament as “a means of eradicating completely the consequences of Japan’s defeat and the American occupation. It is necessary to enable Japan finally to move out of the post-war era and for the Japanese people to regain their self-confidence and pride as Japanese.”[96] Kishi always saw the system created by the Americans as temporary and intended that one day Japan would resume its role as a great power; in the interim, he was prepared to work within the American-created system both domestically and internationally to safeguard what he regarded as Japan's interests.[97]
On 14 December 2006, Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister of India, made a speech in the Diet of Japan. He stated "It was Prime Minister Kishi who was instrumental in India being the first recipient of Japan's ODA. Today India is the largest recipient of Japanese ODA and we are extremely grateful to the government and people of Japan for this valuable assistance."[98]
1896년 11월 13일에 야마구치 현에서 출생하였고, 1920년 도쿄제국대학 법과대학을 졸업한 직후 농상무성에 들어갔는데 1925년 농상무성이 상공성과 농림성이 분할 되면서 상공성에 배속되어 1933년 2월에 상공대신관방 문서 과장, 1935년 4월에는 상공성 공무 국장으로 취임하고 1936년 10월부터는 만주국 정부에서 산업계를 지배하다가 1939년 3월 총무청 차장으로 승진하여 만주국「산업 개발5개년 계획」을 실시하였다. A급 전범 용의자였으나 기소되지 않고 석방되었다. 친동생은 사토 에이사쿠(佐藤栄作)이다.
이시바시 내각에서 앞줄 왼쪽이 외상 기시 노부스케.
그는 사업가로 재기하면서 정치활동을 시작하여 1953년 자유당 국회의원으로 당선되어 당내 헌법조사회 회장이 되었는데 1954년에는 하토야마 이치로 등과 함께 자유당에서 제명되자 일본 민주당을 결성하였고, 민주당이 1955년에 자유당과 통합하여 자유민주당(자민당)을 결성하는 데 이바지했다. 1955년 자유민주당의 간사장이 되고, 이듬해 총재 선거에서 이시바시 단잔에게 패하고 이시바시 내각의 외무상으로 취임, 이시바시가 병으로 물러나자 1957년 2월에 총리가 되었다. 1960년 일본의 독자적인 외교권을 되찾기 위해, 미국, 한국 등과 더불어 동북아시아 냉전에 일부 가담하는 미일안전보장조약의 개정[1]을 추진, 국회 비준을 강행하여 이에 반대하는 일본 기독교계와 민중들의 대규모 군중시위(안보투쟁)를 불러일으키면서 국민의 비난을 받고 총리직을 물러났다. 총리 자리에서 물러난 뒤에도 그는 자민당에서 계속 활발히 활동했다.
1966년과 1972년 민간 외교 차원에서 한국을 찾은 것을 비롯하여, 그 뒤에도 여러 차례 대한민국과 중화민국을 방문하였다. 그 후 1979년 정계에서 은퇴하고 1981년 곡물소에서 일했으며, 1987년 8월 7일 향년 90세의 일기로 타계했다.